(…) with the help of our supply chain partners, we take back all products we supply after use and process them into new raw materials and products. All our materials and products are designed for reuse at the highest possible product and quality level. We also ensure that the chain is controlled through the Circular Content Management System, so that the materials are actually reused in new products. It is now time to realize the transition to a circular economy, because raw materials (such as water for cotton and oil for polyester) are becoming increasingly difficult to obtain and entail a huge environmental burden. For this reason, it is necessary to keep the raw materials in the chain as long as possible, so that the materials retain their value and no new resources need to be obtained. By taking back all these materials, by sorting them and by processing them into new products, a raw materials bank is created, which is owned by the chain partners with whom Dutch Awearness works. The Dutch Awearness chain partners therefore also have the first right to use the materials and products in the raw material bank.
Closing The Loop is the world’s first feature length documentary on the zero-waste / circular economy, supporting UN Sustainable Development Goal 12 on Responsible Production and Consumption. The film is presented by global sustainability expert Prof. Dr. Wayne Visser, in collaboration with Emmy and two time Telly Award winning director Graham Ehlers Sheldon. The film ranges across three continents and includes commentary from global experts and centres of excellence like the World Economic Forum and the University of Cambridge. A number of innovative circular economy cases are also featured in detail. The Circular Economy Club (CEC) is a communication and promotion partner of Closing the Loop. A film by Kaleidoscope Futures Lab. and Stand Up 8 Productions.
On the outskirts
of Cairo lies the world’s largest garbage village. A labyrinth of narrow
roadways camouflaged by trash, the village is home to 60,000 Zaballeen — Arabic for
“garbage people.” The Zaballeen have survived for centuries by recycling Cairo’s waste.
Members of Egypt’s minority Coptic Christian community, these entrepreneurial
garbage workers recycle nearly all the trash they collect, maintaining what
could be the world’s most efficient waste disposal system. Filmed over
four years, GARBAGE DREAMS follows three teenage boys born into the Zaballeen’s trash trade:
17-year-old Adham, 16-year-old Osama, and 18-year-old Nabil. Laila, a community
activist who also teaches the boys at their neighborhood Recycling School,
guides the boys as they transition into adulthood at a time when the Zaballeen community is
at a crossroads.
population of 18 million, Cairo — the largest city in the Middle East and
Africa — has no sanitation service. For generations, the city’s residents have
paid the Zaballeen a minimal amount to collect and recycle their
garbage. Each day, the Zaballeen collect more than 4,000 tons of
garbage and bring it for processing in their village, where plastic
granulators, cloth-grinders, and paper and cardboard compactors hum constantly.
As the world’s capacity to generate trash skyrockets, Western cities boast of
30 percent recycling rates — admirable, until you compare it with the 80
percent recycling rate the Zaballeen can claim.
following the international trend to privatize services, Cairo sold
multimillion dollar contracts to three corporations to pick up the city’s
garbage. Shimmering waste trucks now
line the streets, but these multinational waste disposal corporations are only
contractually obligated to recycle 20 percent of what they collect, leaving the
rest to rot in giant landfills. As these foreign companies came in with
waste trucks and begin carting garbage to nearby landfills, the Zaballeen watched their way
of life disappearing.
with the globalization of their trade, Adham and Osama are each forced to make
choices that will impact their futures and the survival of the Zaballeen community.
Activist Laila sighs with despair: “They don’t see that we are poor people
living off of trash. What are we suppose to do now?”
Iskander provided this update on the plight of the Zaballeen since
the ability of the Zaballeen to both acquire and process Cairo’s
garbage has become harder in the last few years. Cairo’s Zaballeen are
still locked out of the trash trade by the multinational companies that arrived
on the scene several years ago as part of the Egyptian government’s failed attempt
to overhaul the municipal waste management system.
Five years after the multinationals took over, it has become abundantly clear that the privatized waste management system is not working.
One of the
multinational companies’ contract was terminated because it failed to keep
Cairo’s streets clean. With time, it became evident to the two remaining
multinationals that they did not have the capacity to manage all of Cairo’s
garbage or find a large permanent constant work force. As a result, the foreign waste companies started to contract some Zaballeen,
allowing them access to the garbage in return for their garbage collections
service. While these Zaballeen are pleased to once again have
access to the garbage, they have not regained any percentage of the fees
residents paid for their garbage collection service.
decision to cull the nation’s nearly 350,000 pigs (in an attempt to prevent an
outbreak of swing flu in Egypt) wiped out a vital source of income for Zaballeen that
came from raising pigs who fed off organic waste.
current economic outlook for the Zaballeen appears bleak, with
garbage piling higher every day and with increasing pressure being put on the
government to clean up Cairo’s streets, there is undoubtedly growing
international and national interest in the Zaballeen’s industrious and
innovative recycling practices.
Abdullah, 2011: separation of design and building could be the philosophical difference between thinkers (designers) and doers (builders)
Harriss & Widder, 2014: Design build projects exist between the two tectonic plates of learning in academia and practice
Vlahos, 2000: Conventional studio projects present a disconnect from the needs of people and places and the understanding of different cultures. The outcomes of the theoretical studio projects are strongly developed, controlled, formal solutions with little understanding of the architectural intervention in communities. Students engage predominantly with theoretical, fictional projects.
Nepveux, 2010: Being involved physically in building allows students to reconcile their drawings with real structures they can build, weld, wire and plumb
Delport, 2016: Design-build projects have as outcome a physical product made through a process that can vary greatly in scope, focus and intent. They bring in tacit knowledge to the curriculum. The object contributes to social change and improving the lives of others
Van der Wath, 2013: it is an oscillation between the abstract to the concrete that allows students to develop the intellectual agility to tackle the complexities of arch innovation and experimentation that they will use in prof. practice
Brown, 2014: Live Projects’ greatest opportunity is not that it is a place to reflect on one’s own learning but, that it is a place to share that learning and reflection with others (Engestrom: a collective activity system is driven by a deeply communal motive)
Erdman, 2002: hands-on built projects in attempting to close the gap between designing and building replace the reflective process of design with the active process of building (-) they resist theorizing and critical discourse (-)
Chiles & Till, 2004: balance between practice and education encourages students to position themselves politically (+) prevarication is also not possible as the luxury of long-term studio development is removed (+)
Christenson & Srivastava, 2005: Focus on completion within a specific time frame overrides the value of process
Foot, 2012: where the completion and the focus on the end product are taken out of the equation, the notion of reflection, open-endedness and non linearity allows students to discover a variety of possible solutions
Hermie Elizabeth Delport, 2016, Towards Design-Build Architectural Education and Practice: Exploring Lessons from Educational Design-Build Projects, PhD Thesis, Prof Johannes Cronjé, Faculty of Informatics and Design at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology
They are urban complexes formed by buildings of modern architecture, with large surrounding spaces for public use, green, pedestrian and decorative. These public spaces give the urban complex the name of Park. The central building or axis of the complex is equipped with a library with high-tech computing equipment in broadband, justifying the name of the Library, and hence the compound expression “Library Park”. According to the municipal administration of the city of Medellín, “The Library Parks are Cultural Centers for social development that encourage citizen meetings, educational and recreational activities, the construction of groups, the approach to new challenges in digital culture. And they are also spaces for the provision of cultural services that allow the cultural creation and strengthening of existing neighborhood organizations. ” (wiki)
Sergio Fajardo, governor of Antioquia, Colombia, and the mastermind behind the impressive edifices (…) Today (2014), he continues to push for educational opportunities across Antioquia (…) he discussed his current project to build 80 library parks in his home department (…) Building dignity and providing quality education for those in some of the department’s poorest communities has been a driving force behind Fajardo’s decision to build the library parks in underdeveloped neighborhoods like Santo Domingo and La Ladera and in towns like Anorí, which was overrun by guerillas for 50 years (…) Improving education in Medellín and Antioquia has also mobilized people living in these once-disadvantaged neighborhoods to study and dream of new opportunities.
Excerpts from Sarah McClure ‘s article: COLOMBIA: Building on Education, full article available here
Resistance against the expansion of Heathrow Airport has been led largely by an off-grid, eco-utopian community (…) the protesters originally occupied the site of derelict plant nursery in 2010 (…) The principal living space has been created from a greenhouse dating from the time of the plant nursery, one of many that once populated the neighborhood and whose passing was lamented in the mural opposite the post office (…) Some of the dwellings within the enclosure take the form of tree houses (…) whereby beams are secured to trees in such a way that the rope does not cut into the trunk; as the trunk swells with moisture, the ropes slacken to accommodate the process. This ancient practice is indicative of a wider and reciprocal duty of care that exists between tree and protester (…) dwelling as an internal psychological state that can produce oppositional political effects (…) Here dwelling is not about oppositional action; it is about the inhabitation of a site in order to produce a quasi-autonomous sphere in which the politics of its occupants are performed (…) The consideration given to scale, quality, and the public display of lifestyle preferences might be counted as another form of the tactical knowledge that is being cultivated at Grow Heathrow (…) The process of becoming a permanent camp resident is protracted, requiring a series of trial periods; a tent provides the flexibility and portability to make possible these short-term commitments.
Nicholas Ferguson, Dwelling as Resistance, Places Journal, full article available here
Participatory Budgeting (PB) is a form of direct democracy at the local level, where all citizens state annually prioritized sectors to be financed before allocating investment resources in projects of their choice in those sectors. It has four key moments: diagnosis, deliberation, decision-making and follow-up (…) The epitome of PB is Porto Alegre (…) Five criteria required to qualify a PB: all citizens participate to the choice of the allocation of resources, this occurs at an administrative level of power (for example a town, but not a quarter), this process has to be repeated over years, a deliberation must take place in a specific institution, and finally citizens should be informed ex post of the status of the budget and the projects (…) The city government’s “Presentation of Accounts” from the previous year marks the beginning of the PB process in March-April. From April until May, regional and thematic assemblies take place with the objectives of establishing thematic priorities by voting, electing councilors for each region, defining the number of delegates, and repeating the budget review for the preceding year at the local level (…) These meetings are open to all citizens and constitute the central and most inclusive component of the process (…) The five thematic areas discussed in the PB at city-level assemblies are: transport and traffic; education, leisure, and culture; health and social welfare; economic development and taxation; and organization of the city, urban and environmental development. (…) One of the main reasons why Brazilian reforms have moved so quickly after the dictatorship has been the passing of a new Constitution in 1988. This Constitution strengthened municipal autonomy, validated the participation of community groups in municipal decision-making, and attributed important social and economic policy functions to municipal authorities (…) there are four keys for a PB to be successful: a strong mayoral support, an active civil society, self-ruling given to citizens for the mechanisms of the PB, and consequent financial resources to fund the projects selected by citizens (…) The main findings are: a better allocation of resources (more equitably and appropriately distributed among sectors and communities), an increase in the financing of basic needs, and a more inclusive, less corrupted democracy.
Adrien Frank, An Overview of Participatory Budgeting, 2015